Monday, May 18, 2015

Le Drapeau et un Complot pour LE DRAPEAU...

Le Drapeau Bleu et Rouge, communément appelé le Bicolore Haïtien, pour Qui flotte-t-il dans l’azur d’Haïti, il est l’étendard de quelle armée et protège quel citoyen, le symbole et avant-garde de quelle pensée ou de quelle idéologie, le symbole d’unité de quelle patrie et de cohésion pour quelle catégorie sociale ?

Aujourd'hui, quelle est sa signification réelle?
Du temps de notre enfance, les plus grands plébiscitaires du drapeau et d’Haïti faisaient croire et, fusse ce que il a été: Ce symbole de rassemblement, cet instrument d'intégration et de mobilité sociale, du moins le drapeau devrait être le socle de notre souveraineté de peuple : Une souveraineté politique, une souveraineté aussi économique. Mais une souveraineté surtout institutionnelle. Une souveraineté institutionnelle qui comme les autres sociétés vénérées ou estimées policées par nos dirigeants devraient être marquée par des institutions publiques dont le « primum vivere » est un Droit, un Droit fondamental et non un privilège au plus simple des citoyens, qu’il soit des villes ou des mornes.

Malheureusement, le Bicolore dont je parle est celui qui comme la fête des mères est vénéré tous les 18 du 5e mois de chaque année et ensuite c'est comme dit la chanson: On s'en fout!
On s’en fout que le Bicolore soit délavé, on s’en fout que le Drapeau soit déchiré ou tantôt brule vifs, on s’en fout que le Bleu et le Rouge soit violé ou même la risée aux yeux des autres voisins de la zone, mais le pire de notre insouciance et , ce qui est d’une cruauté sans précédent, nos propres fils, dans notre propre sein déclarent la guerre la guerre à leur propre pays, scandalisent et banalisent le Drapeau du peuple Haïtien, Mais, on s’en fout PI RED….

Le drapeau dont je parle, faisait de nous ce peuple de lecture et d'écriture aux yeux des autres. Sous ce drapeau nous étions considérés non pas comme un peuple a la diplomatie de business ou de compradores attachés à la table des vautours séculaires d’Haïti, mais plutôt une diplomatie savante et militante des droits et libertés des peuples qualifiés du Nord et traites en Sud. Plutôt aujourd'hui, souffrant du syndrome de l'amnésie historique, pousse les élites des élites vers un apprentissage et enseignement de l'ignorance, du facilitatisme et de l'auto-deshumanisation des Uns et des Autres. Notre université jadis avant-gardiste des discours et actions populistes semblent s'enliser et descendre au nom du bicolore dans l'abime Hollandais qui sous base de réparation quelconque nous numériserait le cerveau d'abord tandis que le minimum d'infrastructure physique de campus n'est même pas à l'aube de notre crépuscule politique ou électoraliste.

Comme pour paraphraser le Lieutenant Jacquitte, le drapeau, qu'il soit dessiné dans une toile unique, qu'il soit fait de bandes cousues ensemble, l'esthétique importe peu, mais le bicolore Haïtien doit nous rappeler notre engagement de peuple face à ces oppresseurs et notre lutte contre la déshumanisation et le clivage du noir et du blanc pour un monde juste et équilibre, un monde ou l'effectivité des droits sont réels, constitutifs des prérogatives de l'Etat et non des privilèges de castes ou de couleurs selon qu'on soit Petionniste ou Dessaliniste.
Qui est fier de parler du Drapeau et fier de l’aimer ?
Aujourd'hui, ce bicolore est souillé, vilipendé par les querelles intestines d'hommes se déclarant leaders à la recherche d'une actualisation de soi dont le « primum vivere » se prête à discussion. Car, Comment pouvez-vous être vertueux et être réellement au service de cela que vous prétendez diriger quand de votre existentiel vous ne dépassez? La torture et la désacralisation du Bleu et du Rouge Haïtien continue sa décente dans les abysses de la déchéance de la décence politique quand des frères tantôt siamois laisse trainer la fierté d'Haïti dans la risée de leur petitesse républicaine d’élite qui ne peut vraiment se transcender pour porter un projet pays. La dignité du Bicolore continue sa descente dans les gouffres de l'incertitude quand des familles et des partis tantôt connu de même rang de vision et de discours ne comprennent l'effort et le sacrifice de l'union de l'Archaie au profit de la grande majorité exclue et déshérité. Mais, Dommage que ces larrons et Conzés sont les mêmes de 1806 et qui continuent de galvauder la vision de Dessalines par une pluralité de castes et perversement aliénant d'un peuple ayant besoin non plus d’un Messie populiste, mais d'hommes et de femmes d'actions sociales engagés en faveur d'Haïti. Cette désaffiliation sociale, cette incohérence politique et historique arrivent à son comble qu'ils n'ont pas compris la nécessité que les vaincus reconnaissent la portée de la vision universaliste de ce grand stratège et guerrier assassiné par eux-mêmes. Voilà pourquoi La Hollande ne s'y est pas agenouillé et pour l’histoire a failli tomber.
Un complot à travers le Drapeau pour Haïti

Le Drapeau a besoin d’un complot de tous les Haïtiens, qu’ils soient riches ou pauvres, qu’ils soient lettrés ou analphabètes, qu’ils soient des villes ou des mornes, femmes ou hommes, jeunes ou vieux. Ce complot doit nous aider à retracer notre avenir de peuple au concert des nations. Ce complot au nom du drapeau doit nous apprendre à vivre en frères et sœurs sur la terre léguée par les ancêtres….
Ce complot d’haïtiens au nom du bien-être collectif et du vivre ensemble doit permettre la promotion des Haïtiens et d’Haïti d’abord. Ce complot au nom du Drapeau doit permettre à l’Université de renaitre de ces gouffres et de ces aliénations souvent trop occidentalisées. Ce complot au nom du Drapeau et de la Jeunesse doit créer les opportunités d’emplois et de créations de richesses pour l’actualisation des jeunes de mon pays et des jeunes du monde. …

Ce complot au nom du Drapeau et au nom de la paysannerie, doit repenser le modèle d’agriculture que nous promouvons vers une agriculture actualisée des besoins de protection de notre environnement moribond et des vrais besoins des exploitants agricoles, une agriculture suffisante à satisfaire les besoins des familles, les besoins du marchés et ceux de l’exportation. Donc, une agriculture créatrice de richesses et d’opportunités pour tous. …

Nous avons besoins d’un complot au nom du Drapeau contre les apatrides et les Conzés internes et externes. Nous avons besoin de ce même complot au nom du Drapeau pour réclamer la Paix sur l’Ile Quisqueya et pour faire un front haïtiens contre les déportations massives des milliers de Dominicains d’origines Haïtiennes menacées d’être jetés sur les frontières haïtiennes cette année…
Nous avons besoin d’un complot au nom du Drapeau contre la division, un complot au nom drapeau contre la haine et la trahison, un complot contre le déchirement social et l’ambition malsaine pour un médicament d’amour et d’entraide, un complot ou le problème paw se problème pam. Un complot contre l’hypocrisie entre haïtien. Yon konplo kote lè 2 Haitiens kwaze nan yon pays etranger pou l pa kouri pale angle ou franse ou panyol jis pou lòt pa konnen se Ayisyen li ye pou li pa mande l sèvis.
Nous avons besoin d’un complot au nom du drapeau pour préserver les richesses qui nous restent sinon avoir les bons accords d’exploitations au profit des intérêts gagnants d’Haïti et du peuple haïtien.

Pour le Drapeau et pour le complot d’union entre tous les Haïtiens dans la Paix, à travers un Contrat d’engagement pour le développement solidaire, dans une perspective d’une Haïti Tou Nef.


Par: Desauguste Ghemps ghedsfans@yahoo.fr 
Téléphones: 3678-7885 / 3926-0797

Saturday, May 16, 2015

The legendary American blues known as B.B king died, he was 89.

B.B King (09-10-1925 / 05-14-2015)
Riley B. King, the legendary guitarist known as B.B. King, whose velvety voice and economical, expressive style brought blues from the margins to the mainstream, died Thursday night.

His daughter, Patty King, said he died in Las Vegas, where he announced two weeks ago that he was in home hospice care after suffering from dehydration.

The Mississippi native's reign as "king of the blues" lasted more than six decades and straddled two centuries, influencing a generation of rock and blues musicians, from Eric Clapton and Stevie Ray Vaughan to Sheryl Crow and John Mayer.
His life was the subject of the documentary "B.B. King: The Life of Riley" and the inspiration for the the B.B. King Museum and Delta Interpretive Center, which opened in Mississippi in 2008.
King's enduring legacy came from his refusal to slow down even after cementing his status as an American music icon.
Even with a long list of honors to his name -- a Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award, Rock and Roll Hall of Fame induction, a Presidential Medal of Freedom -- he maintained a relentless touring schedule well into his 80s.
King smiles as President George W. Bush presents him with
the Presidential medal of Freedom in 2006 at the White House
Throughout his career, King evolved with the times to incorporate contemporary trends and influences without straying from his Delta blues roots. Whether he was sharing the stage with U2 on "When Loves Comes to Town" -- a scene memorialized in the 1988 concert film "Rattle and Hum" -- or playing in the East Room of the White House with Buddy Guy, Mick Jagger, Jeff Beck and others, King's single-string guitar notes trilled with an unmistakable vibrato from his hollow-bodied Gibson affectionately known as Lucille.
Slowing down
King finally started showing signs of his age last year after decades of living with Type II diabetes.
A shaky show in St. Louis prompted his reps to issue an apology for "a performance that did not match Mr. King's usual standard of excellence." He fell ill in October after a show at Chicago's House of Blues due to dehydration and exhaustion, prompting a rare cancellation of the remainder of his tour.
He was hospitalized for dehydration in April in Las Vegas, a long way from his modest roots as the son of a sharecropper.
King was born on September 16, 1925, on a cotton plantation between Indianola and what is now Itta Bena, Mississippi. He sang with church choirs as a child and learned basic guitar chords from his uncle, a preacher. In his youth, he played on street corners for dimes, saying he earned more in one night singing on the corner than he did in one week working in the cotton field.

Beale Street Blues Boy

B.B King in 1947
He enlisted in the Army during World War II but was released because he drove a tractor, an essential homefront occupation.
In 1947, he hitchhiked to Memphis, Tennessee, home to a thriving music scene that supported aspiring black performers. He stayed with his cousin Bukka White, one of the most celebrated blues performers of his time, who schooled King further in the art of the blues.
King took the Beale Street Blues Boy, or BB for short, as a disc jockey for radio station WDIA-AM Memphis.
He got his first big break in 1948 by performing on Sonny Boy Williamson's radio program out of West Memphis, leading to steady engagements at the Sixteenth Avenue Grill in West Memphis and a 10-minute spot on WDIA.
As "King's Spot" grew in popularity on WDIA, King shortened "Beale Street Blues Boy" to "Blues Boy King" and eventually B.B. King.
His ascent continued in 1949 with his first recordings, "Miss Martha King/Take a Swing with Me" and "How Do You Feel When Your Baby Packs Up and Goes/I've Got the Blues." His first hit record "Three O'Clock Blues" was released in 1951 and stayed on the top of the charts for four months.
Beloved Lucille

B.B. King, the Beale Street Blues Boy
It was during this era that King first named his beloved guitar Lucille. In the mid-1950s, King was performing at a dance in Twist, Arkansas, when a few fans became unruly and started a fire. King ran out, forgetting his guitar, and risked his life to go back and get it.
He later found out that two men fighting over a woman named Lucille knocked over a kerosene heater that started the fire. He named the guitar Lucille, "to remind myself never to do anything that foolish."
King used various models of Gibson guitars over the years and named them each Lucille. In the 1980s, Gibson officially dropped the model number ES-355 on the guitar King used, and it became a custom-made signature model named Lucille, manufactured exclusively for the "King of the Blues."

B.B.KING | Live by Request, New York (United States, 2003)

30 Grammy nominations
In the '50s and '60s, King was a peripatetic figure, idolized by musicians and R&B fans, known for putting on some of the best live shows around. By the late '50s, he was traveling in a chauffeur-driven Cadillac accompanied by a custom Greyhound bus, called Big Red, which housed his band.
Even after his bluesier R&B became less commercial -- he observed that "they (once) called guys like me rhythm and blues, so somewhere along the line, I guess I lost my rhythm" -- he still maintained a following, this time among white musicians.

Rock Me Baby-BB King/Eric Clapton/Buddy Guy/Jim Vaughn

Eric Clapton was a fan. Peter Green of Fleetwood Mac modeled his sound on King's. John Lennon said he "wanted to play guitar like B.B. King."
In 1967, his changing fan base was enough to get him booked in San Francisco's Fillmore Auditorium.
"We used to play the Fillmore all the time, but it was then about 90% black," he told PBS. "But this time ... it was long-haired white people, men and women, sitting body to body going up to the door. I told my road manager, 'I think they booked us in the wrong place.' "
He received a standing ovation. He returned to the Fillmore several more times.
In 1970, he won his first Grammy for his trademark song, "The Thrill is Gone." That same year, he debuted an all-blues show at Carnegie Hall and appeared on "The Ed Sullivan Show."
Over the years, he racked up 30 Grammy nominations and 15 wins, including two in 2000: one along with Eric Clapton for Best Traditional Blues Album for "Riding with the King" and another with Dr. John for Best Pop Collaboration with Vocals for "Is You Is, or Is You Ain't (My Baby)."

His last was in February 2009 for Best Traditional Blues Album for "One Kind Favor" (2008).

Source CNN

Thursday, May 14, 2015

Autopsy of a Massacre

October 3, 2017  will mark the 80th anniversary of the massacre of Haitians on dominican soil, an event which, to borrow Franklin D. Roosevelt’s expression, “will ever live in infamy.”  We anticipate that the reaction among our readership will be mixed.  Some will consider this article another case of Dominican bashing.  Some will feel that bygone should be bygone, while another group who live on that part of the island or whose children attend school there will fear that this new round of discussion of our troubled relationship with our next door neighbor, may create some hostility towards them.

I wonder however, if these same people would raise their voices to object to the fact that we are perpetually reminded of the Jewish holocaust during World War II.  Would they object to the effort of the Armenian people to force the Turkish government to recognize that genocide was committed against them in 1915?  Finally, would they even empathize with the Native Americans who have seen a quasi annihilation of their population, in the hands of the European invaders in less than 100 years?

One of the 1937 massacre pictures in the border region between
 Haiti and Dominican Republic.                                                     
Could it be that these compatriots have been brainwashed to the point that they value less the life of a poor black or brown individual than that of a white person?  This reaction is difficult to accept when foreigners seem to be more eager to take up the cause of the poor Haitians living in the most horrible conditions in the Bateys.  Indeed, numerous movie directors from Canada, France and the USA have tried to bring the plight of the Haitian workers in Dominican Republic to the attention of the world. More recently Celine Gauthier a franco-peruvian photographer has organized an exhibit of pictures taken in the Bateys.  This traveling exhibit entitled “Esclaves au Paradis” or “Slaves in Paradise” has been shown in Paris and in Montreal.  We applaud all these artists who have decided to transform their indignation into action.  Unfortunately, the silence of our own singers, artists, movie producers and political activists is deafening. 

President E. Lescot and Rafael Trujilio
Worse than silence, we are more likely to hear condemnation of the Haitians themselves.  Why don’t the Haitian stay home?  Why can’t the government provide jobs to these poor people?  This is not an unheard of reaction as pointed out by Edward W. Said in his book entitled “Blaming the victims”, describing the anguish and oppression of the Palestinian people.  And victims, the Haitian people are!

This is not meant to be a puerile lament, but an invitation to look at the root of the problem, to perform an autopsy of the Haitian problem and as in medicine, learn how to care better for our economy, our health, our people.
Haitians were sent per thousand each year in the Dominican
 Republic under the regime of Baby Doc.                                  
First we have to look at the political context at the end of the XVIII century.  The French, still reeling from having lost their territory in North America to the British during the Indian War, allied themselves with the American army to defeat the British.  England lost no time in seeking revenge against the French when those who were to become the Haitians sought to free themselves, causing France to lose its richest colony.  The Haitian independence in 1804 was not well accepted by the Americans for many reasons.  First, at the Treaty of Morfontaine in 1800, Jefferson had agreed to treat St-Domingue as a French colony and not to assist the leaders of the Revolution.  Second, in 1804, the United States of America still had an economy based on slavery.  The country was going to get seriously shaken by the bloody revolts of Nat Turner and Denmark Vesey and the US government was not about to recognize a country created by former slaves.

The USA clearly saw the Independence of Haiti as a mistake that had to be erased.  When Simon Bolivar who had received far more help from Haiti than from the United States convened a meeting of all the former Spanish colonies in South America at the Conference of Panama in June 1826, both Haiti and USA were invited, but the Americans predicated their participation on the fact that the invitation to Haiti be rescinded.  Bolivar obliged them, albeit with some regrets

The policies of the USA towards Haiti have therefore been marked by racism and imperialism and from the fateful date of January 1, 1804, their effort to destroy the only self proclaimed black nation of the Americas has been relentless.  Haiti was a country of former slaves and was to remain in that capacity.  They imposed as a condition for Haiti to be recognized that a massive indemnity be paid to France, mortgaging the future existence of the young republic, while it was still in its infancy.

The attitude of the North American and European powers toward the small Caribbean country can be gleaned from various texts written by the most influential decision makers of the world.  Suffices it to give in example the declaration of one Winston Churchill in the prelude to the Spanish American War.
“ A great danger represents itself.  Two-fifths of the (Cuban) insurgents in the field are Negroes. These men… would in the event of success, demand a predominant share in the government of the country… the results being after years of fighting, another black republic.”
The other black republic of course was Haiti and this error could not be repeated.

The other driver of American policies is their long-standing imperialist ambition.  The following statement in 1897 by Senator Beveridge of Indiana can best summarize this ambition:
“American factories are making more than the American people can use; American soil is producing more than they can consume.  Fate has written our policy for us, the trade of the world must and shall be ours.”

Markets of foreign consumption had to be created everywhere, even if it implied the unscrupulous destruction of existing economies or imposition by force of trade agreements, the so-called gunboat diplomacy.

Photo of  one Haitian in Dominican batey.
In the latter half of the XIX century, Haitian sovereignty was violated countless times by the Germans and the Americans, the latter trying their hardest to get control of the Haitian economy.  At the occasion of the riots of July 1915, the Marines landed in Port-au-Prince.  The main candidate to the presidency was Dr. Rosalvo Bobo.  He was bought on board of a Navy ship and asked if he would officially endorse the occupation of Haiti by the US forces.  When he replied “Never,” he was sent to exile and Sudre Dartiguenave who had already given his agreement was chosen to be the new president of Haiti.  At that time, the Americans occupied both sides of the island.  They heavily invested in the sugar factories of the Dominican Republic, but not in Haiti.  Instead, they considered the “former slaves” to be good labor force for the sugar plantations, creating the first massive influx of Haitian peasants across the border.  Subsequent Wall Street fluctuations led to economic upheaval and eventually to the massacre, Trujillo’s solution to the “Haitian problem.”

President Vincent is a luncheon guest of president Roosevelt
Delanoe at the White House in December 1942                      
Six years later in 1943, the Japanese had seized control of South-East Asia, depriving the United Sates of one of the most important item necessary to its industrial machine: rubber.  Scrambling to maintain the production of rubber, the US government inked a deal with then President Lescot to grow in the north of the country at a large scale a vine called Cryptostegia that grew fast and could produce rubber.  Completely ignorant of the nature of the plant, but oh so gullible! Lescot agreed to have thousands of acres of fruit trees, such as mangoes and breadfruit destroyed and planted with Cryptostegia, forcing previously independent small farmers to work for the Americans at the rate of 30 cents per day.  When the results proved to be well below their expectations, the project was simply abandoned.  Thousands and thousands of peasants had lost their livelihood and had to seek work wherever they could find it, even if it meant going back where their brothers and sisters had been murdered without mercy.  Since then, each government, including those that professed the most to defend the masses, in exchange for monetary remuneration, have sent Haitian peasants across the border to harvest sugar cane.

The other page of this saga is the long adversarial relationship between Haiti and the International Monetary Fund.  This organization is well known all over the world for its modus operandi, which is first to lend money to third world countries at high interest rates, even when they are politically unstable.  The money is most often dilapidated.  Nevertheless, the subsequent governments pay back several times over the amount of the debt, without ever being able to fully erase it.  When they can no longer pay, the IMF institutes strong measures to control the economy of the debtor country.  They start then by eliminating all kinds of social programs, particularly free education and health care. One of the most recent examples was Argentina, where the measures were so harsh that they trigger massive riots.  In Haiti, they did not trigger any rioting because the people were kept in the dark, but it was just as efficient. 

HASCO in 1974
Among others, the production of sugar was eliminated. For years, Haiti, thanks to its factories of Welch in the North, HASCO in the West, Centrale Dessalines in the South, had not only been able to satisfy its internal consumption of sugar, but also was deriving significant income from the exportation of sugar.  In 1977, for the first time in its history, the sugar production had dwindled so low that Haiti had to import sugar for local consumption.  Eventually all those mills ceased to function, resulting not only in a loss of jobs, but also in a loss of revenue for the local farmers and a loss of currency for the country since the sugar has to be imported.

President Clinton has completely destroyed
the structure of Haitian agriculture in 1995
, by forcing the nation to drop tariffs on rice
imported from America.                                  
Closer to us, during their supposed campaign to restore democracy, the United States government demanded that Haiti reduces the tariff on American rice from 35 % to 5 %, flooding the Haitian market with cheap rice, which many busunessmen and members of the government were happy to sell to the public, because it meant large profit for them. In addition, a contract with the Haitian government stipulated that any funds provided by the US could not be used to buy fertilizers for the farmers or to offer low interest loans to them. This spelled disaster for the rice farmers of the Artibonite department, who had to give up farming and either migrate to the urban slums of Port-au-Prince, venture on the high seas towards Florida or cross the border to look for work in the sugar fields

The last chapters of this sad story were written when J. B. Aristide acquiesced to provide land along the border, between Maribaroux and Ouanaminthe to Dominican financiers in order to establish a frank zone.  This land had been known to be rich and to produce excellent crops of cocoa and coffee. The peasants were forcibly removed from their land, where factories were built.  These factories on Haitian soil are guarded by Dominican guards.  The management is almost exclusively Dominican. The local inhabitants are paid less than minimum wage.  A recent visitor told me that the Haitians have to eat their lunch outside, because they are banned from the cafeterias exclusively reserved to the Dominican workers.

President Aristide (L) at the White House in 1994
   seeking US intervention in Haiti.                         
Finally, under pressure from the neo-liberals in Washington, Aristide and now his successor Preval have agreed to privatize many of our state owned institutions.  “La Minoterie d’Haiti,” our only flourmill and “Le Ciment d’Haiti,” our only cement manufacturer have been sold to private consortia.

All these measures, while perhaps profitable selfishly to some corrupt members of our government, lead to further deterioration of the equilibrium between the two countries.  First, by providing cheap labor to the Dominican Republic, we are in a way undermining our own production of goods.  The production costs over there are reduced and we find ourselves unable to compete with such inexpensive items.  Thus, Haiti has become the third most important importer of Dominican goods, with a net increase of 19 %.  A close scrutiny of the data reveals that the sales have increased the most for flour and cement, two products that not too long ago we were producing.

Bill Clinton and Rene Preval on road trip
Trade between nations follows the principle of communicating vessels.  If a vessel is positioned lower than the other, the liquid flows in one direction and one direction only and soon the most disadvantaged vessel finds itself empty.  With little or no agricultural or industrial production, Haiti is condemned to live from subsidies from the United States, Canada and other donor countries.  Popular wisdom tells us that the hand that gives is always on top of the hand that receives.  For example, I was recently told that the Minister of Health in Haiti controls only 2% of his department’s budget, the rest being administered by various NGO and foreign agencies.  Knowing the history between the USA and Haiti, between France and Haiti, can they be trusted to do the right thing for our people? On the other hand, knowing the problem of corruption that has never been tackled by the interim or the current government, I am sad to say: “can the government be trusted?”

Being a physician with a keen interest in history and not an economist, I confess that I may lack the technical capacity to provide a solution to these problems.  However, it would seem to me that it is high time that all Haitians understand the dire character of the situation.  The present state of affairs can serve only one purpose: to maintain us in a state of subordination to the Great Powers and their proxies, so that all the media can continue to repeat that Haiti is the poorest country of the western hemisphere.

It is imperative to establish strict control of our finances.  Important sources of revenue for the government cannot be “given” to “loyal” political allies.  I am talking for example of airport taxes, burial fees in the cemeteries etc…  Tolls must be established on the National Roads, to provide maintenance services.  Proper tariff must be imposed on imported goods, to stimulate the local industry.  We must pay back or seek relief from the international lenders and free ourselves from the control of the IMF, like Jamaica and Venezuela have done recently.  Policies good for the G-8 group are usually not necessarily good for third world countries.

We must reinvest in our agriculture, restore our autonomy in the production of rice and sugar.  We must support our farmers by providing them with expert recommendation for fertilizers or more modern techniques of agriculture.

Thirdly, we must reestablish the rule of law.  There can be no excuse for criminality.  We have to respect ourselves and each other.   This is our only chance to woo the thousands and thousands of baby boomers who have recently retired or are about to retire.  They have been moving to Florida, Georgia, Arizona and even… Dominican Republic.  With a favorable and more stable political, many a retiree would instead choose to return to Haiti Cherie, bringing with them their retirement nest eggs.

Finally rather than ceding our land to the Dominicans or to Cruise companies, we should invest in tourism.  Haiti with its rich history has the possibility to become the greatest tourist destination for people of African ancestry all over the world (and all other interested groups).  Haiti can be a true Mecca of African History in the Americas.  The list of important sites includes the Citadelle Laferriere, the Sans-Souci Palace, the site of the Vertieres Battle, Gonaives, birthplace of our flag, Port-au-Prince and the Museum of the National Pantheon, the Jacques and Alexandre Forts, etc… Other important tourist destinations would include Le Centre d’Art and many large professional art galleries, the Parc de la Canne a Sucre and its highly professional performances by singers and dancers.  At last, but not least, our natural resources are unique and beautiful and are just awaiting the visitors: Saut d’Eau, Voute a Minguette, with its impressive columns of stalactites and stalagmites, Bassin Zim, Saut du Baril, the pink sand of Chouchou Bay Beach, for me the best in the world, the incredible landscape of Azuei Lake, the beautiful beach of Cyvadier etc.

It is high time that members of our government play their role of guardian of our people and our territory, like proud and stern bull dogs, and not like hungry, lap dogs ready to trample everyone in order to jump at any crumb falling from the tables of the rich and powerful.  The future of our nation depends on it. Our dignity depends on it.