L'ex-président cubain
a affirmé lundi que malgré la récente visite historique de Barack Obama, Cuba
n'oublierait pas ses confrontations passées avec les Etats-Unis.
L'ex-président cubain Fidel Castro
Dans une longue lettre portant le titre «Le frère Obama»,
Fidel Castro, qui s'est retiré du pouvoir depuis 2006, ironise sur «les paroles
sirupeuses» prononcées par Barack Obama
«Nous sommes capables de produire des aliments et les richesses
matérielles dont nous avons besoin grâce aux efforts et à l'intelligence de
notre peuple. Nous n'avons pas besoin que l'empire nous fasse cadeau de quoi
que ce soit», a écrit le père de la révolution cubaine, 89 ans, dans un texte
publié une semaine après la visite du président américain.
«On était censés courir le risque d'un infarctus en écoutant ces
paroles du président américain», poursuit dans la même veine l'ex-Lider Maximo,
avant de rappeler une longue liste de contentieux passés et persistants entre
les deux pays malgré le rapprochement spectaculaire entamé fin 2014 entre
Barack Obama et Raul Castro.
Plus
apparu depuis juillet 2015
Lors d'un discours retransmis par les médias cubains la semaine
dernière, le président américain avait appelé La Havane «à enterrer le dernier
vestige de la Guerre froide» avant de se lancer dans un plaidoyer en faveur des
libertés publiques et la démocratie sur l'île, tout en se défendant de vouloir
«imposer des changements à Cuba».
«Ma modeste suggestion est qu'il réfléchisse et qu'il n'essaie
pas d'élaborer les théories sur la politique cubaine», a répondu Fidel Castro
rappelant la jeunesse de Barack Obama, né en 1961, soit au plus fort des
tensions entre La Havane et Washington.
«Que personne ne se fasse d'illusions sur le fait que le peuple
de ce pays noble et désintéressé renoncera à la gloire et aux droits, à la
richesse spirituelle acquise par le développement de l'éducation, la science et
la culture», a encore prévenu l'ex-président dans cette lettre publié par le
quotidien d'Etat Granma.
Fidel Castro, qui aura 90 ans le 13 août, n'a plus fait
d'apparition publique depuis juillet 2015, mais les médias officiels publient
régulièrement des photos de l'ex-chef d'Etat recevant à son domicile
personnalités et chefs d'Etat amis.
L'ex-président ne s'est jamais ouvertement opposé au
rapprochement avec l'ancien ennemi conduit par son frère Raul, mais après
l'annonce du rapprochement fin 2014, il avait attendu un mois et demi pour
approuver mollement cette initiative, tout en réaffirmant sa méfiance à l'égard
de son vieil ennemi de la Guerre froide.
Les Présidents Obama et Macri échangent une poignée de mains
Buenos Aires - Le président américain Barack Obama a achevé jeudi un voyage historique en Amérique latine: à Cuba en étant le premier président américain à séjourner dans l'île communiste puis en Argentine, en rendant hommage aux victimes de la dictature.
La famille Obama lors de son arrivée à Buenos Aires
A Cuba, M. Obama a appelé le Congrès américain, dominé par les républicains, à lever l'embargo contre La Havane, en vigueur depuis 1962, "un poids pour le peuple cubain" et "un poids pour les Américains qui veulent travailler et investir à Cuba".
Dans l'île gouvernée par les frères Fidel et Raul Castro depuis 1959, Obama voulait "enterrer le dernier vestige de la Guerre froide dans les Amériques".
La présence d'un président américain à Cuba voici deux ans semblait impossible. L'annonce surprise d'un rapprochement en décembre 2014 et la reprise des relations diplomatiques en 2015 ont fait souffler un vent d'espoir sur l'île.
Les présidents Obama et Macri durant leur point de presse
Le changement est possible sur l'île, a-t-il souligné. "Je pense que les citoyens devraient être libres d'exprimer leurs opinions sans peur, de critiquer leur gouvernement et manifester de manière pacifique". "Je fais confiance au peuple cubain", a dit Obama, se défendant de vouloir "imposer des changements à Cuba".
Aux Etats-Unis, la main tendue à Cuba rencontre des résistances chez les adversaires républicains qui ont dénoncé une "erreur historique".
- 'Plus jamais ça' -
Les présidents américain Barack Obama et argentin Mauricio Macri jettent des fleurs blanches dans River Plate en hommage aux victimes de la dictature le 24 mars 2016/
En Argentine, le président américain a fait un geste historique. Au Parc de la Mémoire de Buenos Aires, il a lancé un symbolique "plus jamais ça" le jour des commémorations des 40 ans d'un coup d'Etat du 24 mars 1976.
En Argentine, "plus jamais ça" est un slogan répété depuis les années 1980 par les familles de victimes qui demandent des comptes aux militaires et à ceux qu'ils jugent complices, l'Eglise et les Etats-Unis.
Il a aussi annoncé officiellement l'ouverture d'archives militaires et de la CIA sur la dictature la plus sanglante de l'histoire de l'Argentine.
Michelle et Barack Obama lors du diner
offert en leur honneur en Argentine.
Dans un discours qui fera date, M. Obama a loué "le courage, la ténacité, des familles, des épouses, des frères, des enfants qui ont refusé d'abandonner leur lutte pour la justice et la vérité", citant notamment les Mères et les Grands-Mères de la Place de Mai, symboles de la lutte contre la dictature.
Pensant que les militaires étaient le meilleur rempart contre l'avancée de mouvements de gauche ayant souvent fait le choix de la lutte armée, Washington a soutenu de nombreuses dictatures en Amérique latine.
Dans la foulée de Washington, un porte-parole du Vatican a assuré que l'ouverture des archives de l'Eglise était proche.
Les associations des Mères et Grands-Mères de la Place de Mai, qui avaient boudé la cérémonie au Parc de la Mémoire, ont jugé insuffisants les propos d'Obama. "L'autocritique était totalement light", a déclaré l'une de ses Mères, Taty Almeida.
En revanche, elle attend beaucoup de l'ouverture des archives, estimant qu'elles permettront sans doute d'identifier des enfants volés durant la dictature.
En Argentine, après douze années d'une présidence qu'il a jugée "anti-américaine", Barack Obama s'est réjoui de l'arrivée au pouvoir fin 2015 du président de centre-droit Mauricio Macri, qui a déjà remis son pays sur les rails de l'économie internationale.
Pour le président américain, ces mesures vont permettre à la 3e économie d'Amérique latine de retrouver la croissance, après deux ans de stagnation et il voit en Macri, un futur leader de l'Amérique latine.
Quelques photos de la visite du président Obama en Argentine
De la gauche (Michelle Obama. président argentin Mauricio Macri,Juliana Awada et président Obama
Obama a prouvé qu'il peut tourner sa main à presque rien aprèsavoir dansé le tango argentin lors d'un dîner d'État.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) Muchas gracias. Thank you so much. Thank you very much.
President Barack Obama
President Castro, the people of Cuba, thank you so much for the warm welcome that I have received, that my family have received, and that our delegation has received. It is an extraordinary honor to be here today.
Before I begin, please indulge me. I want to comment on the terrorist attacks that have taken place in Brussels. The thoughts and the prayers of the American people are with the people of Belgium. We stand in solidarity with them in condemning these outrageous attacks against innocent people. We will do whatever is necessary to support our friend and ally, Belgium, in bringing to justice those who are responsible. And this is yet another reminder that the world must unite, we must be together, regardless of nationality, or race, or faith, in fighting against the scourge of terrorism. We can -- and will -- defeat those who threaten the safety and security of people all around the world.
To the government and the people of Cuba, I want to thank you for the kindness that you’ve shown to me and Michelle, Malia, Sasha, my mother-in-law, Marian.
“Cultivo una rosa blanca.” (Applause.) In his most famous poem, Jose Marti made this offering of friendship and peace to both his friend and his enemy. Today, as the President of the United States of America, I offer the Cuban people el saludo de paz. (Applause.)
Havana is only 90 miles from Florida, but to get here we had to travel a great distance -- over barriers of history and ideology; barriers of pain and separation. The blue waters beneath Air Force One once carried American battleships to this island -- to liberate, but also to exert control over Cuba. Those waters also carried generations of Cuban revolutionaries to the United States, where they built support for their cause. And that short distance has been crossed by hundreds of thousands of Cuban exiles -- on planes and makeshift rafts -- who came to America in pursuit of freedom and opportunity, sometimes leaving behind everything they owned and every person that they loved.
President Obama's Speech To The People Of Cuba
Like so many people in both of our countries, my lifetime has spanned a time of isolation between us. The Cuban Revolution took place the same year that my father came to the United States from Kenya. The Bay of Pigs took place the year that I was born. The next year, the entire world held its breath, watching our two countries, as humanity came as close as we ever have to the horror of nuclear war. As the decades rolled by, our governments settled into a seemingly endless confrontation, fighting battles through proxies. In a world that remade itself time and again, one constant was the conflict between the United States and Cuba.
I have come here to bury the last remnant of the Cold War in the Americas. (Applause.) I have come here to extend the hand of friendship to the Cuban people. (Applause.)
I want to be clear: The differences between our governments over these many years are real and they are important. I’m sure President Castro would say the same thing -- I know, because I’ve heard him address those differences at length. But before I discuss those issues, we also need to recognize how much we share. Because in many ways, the United States and Cuba are like two brothers who’ve been estranged for many years, even as we share the same blood.
We both live in a new world, colonized by Europeans. Cuba, like the United States, was built in part by slaves brought here from Africa. Like the United States, the Cuban people can trace their heritage to both slaves and slave-owners. We’ve welcomed both immigrants who came a great distance to start new lives in the Americas.
Over the years, our cultures have blended together. Dr. Carlos Finlay’s work in Cuba paved the way for generations of doctors, including Walter Reed, who drew on Dr. Finlay’s work to help combat Yellow Fever. Just as Marti wrote some of his most famous words in New York, Ernest Hemingway made a home in Cuba, and found inspiration in the waters of these shores. We share a national past-time -- La Pelota -- and later today our players will compete on the same Havana field that Jackie Robinson played on before he made his Major League debut. (Applause.) And it's said that our greatest boxer, Muhammad Ali, once paid tribute to a Cuban that he could never fight -- saying that he would only be able to reach a draw with the great Cuban, Teofilo Stevenson. (Applause.)
So even as our governments became adversaries, our people continued to share these common passions, particularly as so many Cubans came to America. In Miami or Havana, you can find places to dance the Cha-Cha-Cha or the Salsa, and eat ropa vieja. People in both of our countries have sung along with Celia Cruz or Gloria Estefan, and now listen to reggaeton or Pitbull. (Laughter.) Millions of our people share a common religion -- a faith that I paid tribute to at the Shrine of our Lady of Charity in Miami, a peace that Cubans find in La Cachita.
For all of our differences, the Cuban and American people share common values in their own lives. A sense of patriotism and a sense of pride -- a lot of pride. A profound love of family. A passion for our children, a commitment to their education. And that's why I believe our grandchildren will look back on this period of isolation as an aberration, as just one chapter in a longer story of family and of friendship.
But we cannot, and should not, ignore the very real differences that we have -- about how we organize our governments, our economies, and our societies. Cuba has a one-party system; the United States is a multi-party democracy. Cuba has a socialist economic model; the United States is an open market. Cuba has emphasized the role and rights of the state; the United States is founded upon the rights of the individual.
Despite these differences, on December 17th 2014, President Castro and I announced that the United States and Cuba would begin a process to normalize relations between our countries. (Applause.) Since then, we have established diplomatic relations and opened embassies. We've begun initiatives to cooperate on health and agriculture, education and law enforcement. We've reached agreements to restore direct flights and mail service. We've expanded commercial ties, and increased the capacity of Americans to travel and do business in Cuba.
And these changes have been welcomed, even though there are still opponents to these policies. But still, many people on both sides of this debate have asked: Why now? Why now?
There is one simple answer: What the United States was doing was not working. We have to have the courage to acknowledge that truth. A policy of isolation designed for the Cold War made little sense in the 21st century. The embargo was only hurting the Cuban people instead of helping them. And I've always believed in what Martin Luther King, Jr. called “the fierce urgency of now” -- we should not fear change, we should embrace it. (Applause.)
That leads me to a bigger and more important reason for these changes: Creo en el pueblo Cubano. I believe in the Cuban people. (Applause.) This is not just a policy of normalizing relations with the Cuban government. The United States of America is normalizing relations with the Cuban people. (Applause.)
And today, I want to share with you my vision of what our future can be. I want the Cuban people -- especially the young people -- to understand why I believe that you should look to the future with hope; not the false promise which insists that things are better than they really are, or the blind optimism that says all your problems can go away tomorrow. Hope that is rooted in the future that you can choose and that you can shape, and that you can build for your country.
I'm hopeful because I believe that the Cuban people are as innovative as any people in the world.
In a global economy, powered by ideas and information, a country’s greatest asset is its people. In the United States, we have a clear monument to what the Cuban people can build: it’s called Miami. Here in Havana, we see that same talent in cuentapropistas, cooperatives and old cars that still run. El Cubano inventa del aire. (Applause.)
Cuba has an extraordinary resource -- a system of education which values every boy and every girl. (Applause.) And in recent years, the Cuban government has begun to open up to the world, and to open up more space for that talent to thrive. In just a few years, we've seen how cuentapropistas can succeed while sustaining a distinctly Cuban spirit. Being self-employed is not about becoming more like America, it’s about being yourself.
Look at Sandra Lidice Aldama, who chose to start a small business. Cubans, she said, can “innovate and adapt without losing our identity…our secret is in not copying or imitating but simply being ourselves.”
Look at Papito Valladeres, a barber, whose success allowed him to improve conditions in his neighborhood. “I realize I’m not going to solve all of the world’s problems,” he said. “But if I can solve problems in the little piece of the world where I live, it can ripple across Havana.”
That’s where hope begins -- with the ability to earn your own living, and to build something you can be proud of. That’s why our policies focus on supporting Cubans, instead of hurting them. That’s why we got rid of limits on remittances -- so ordinary Cubans have more resources. That’s why we’re encouraging travel -- which will build bridges between our people, and bring more revenue to those Cuban small businesses. That’s why we’ve opened up space for commerce and exchanges -- so that Americans and Cubans can work together to find cures for diseases, and create jobs, and open the door to more opportunity for the Cuban people.
As President of the United States, I’ve called on our Congress to lift the embargo. (Applause.) It is an outdated burden on the Cuban people. It's a burden on the Americans who want to work and do business or invest here in Cuba. It's time to lift the embargo. But even if we lifted the embargo tomorrow, Cubans would not realize their potential without continued change here in Cuba. (Applause.) It should be easier to open a business here in Cuba. A worker should be able to get a job directly with companies who invest here in Cuba. Two currencies shouldn’t separate the type of salaries that Cubans can earn. The Internet should be available across the island, so that Cubans can connect to the wider world -- (applause) -- and to one of the greatest engines of growth in human history.
There’s no limitation from the United States on the ability of Cuba to take these steps. It’s up to you. And I can tell you as a friend that sustainable prosperity in the 21st century depends upon education, health care, and environmental protection. But it also depends on the free and open exchange of ideas. If you can’t access information online, if you cannot be exposed to different points of view, you will not reach your full potential. And over time, the youth will lose hope.
I know these issues are sensitive, especially coming from an American President. Before 1959, some Americans saw Cuba as something to exploit, ignored poverty, enabled corruption. And since 1959, we’ve been shadow-boxers in this battle of geopolitics and personalities. I know the history, but I refuse to be trapped by it. (Applause.)
I’ve made it clear that the United States has neither the capacity, nor the intention to impose change on Cuba. What changes come will depend upon the Cuban people. We will not impose our political or economic system on you. We recognize that every country, every people, must chart its own course and shape its own model. But having removed the shadow of history from our relationship, I must speak honestly about the things that I believe -- the things that we, as Americans, believe. As Marti said, “Liberty is the right of every man to be honest, to think and to speak without hypocrisy.”
So let me tell you what I believe. I can't force you to agree, but you should know what I think. I believe that every person should be equal under the law. (Applause.) Every child deserves the dignity that comes with education, and health care and food on the table and a roof over their heads. (Applause.) I believe citizens should be free to speak their mind without fear -- (applause) -- to organize, and to criticize their government, and to protest peacefully, and that the rule of law should not include arbitrary detentions of people who exercise those rights. (Applause.) I believe that every person should have the freedom to practice their faith peacefully and publicly. (Applause.) And, yes, I believe voters should be able to choose their governments in free and democratic elections. (Applause.)
Not everybody agrees with me on this. Not everybody agrees with the American people on this. But I believe those human rights are universal. (Applause.) I believe they are the rights of the American people, the Cuban people, and people around the world.
Now, there’s no secret that our governments disagree on many of these issues. I’ve had frank conversations with President Castro. For many years, he has pointed out the flaws in the American system -- economic inequality; the death penalty; racial discrimination; wars abroad. That’s just a sample. He has a much longer list. (Laughter.) But here’s what the Cuban people need to understand: I welcome this open debate and dialogue. It’s good. It’s healthy. I’m not afraid of it.
We do have too much money in American politics. But, in America, it's still possible for somebody like me -- a child who was raised by a single mom, a child of mixed race who did not have a lot of money -- to pursue and achieve the highest office in the land. That's what’s possible in America. (Applause.)
We do have challenges with racial bias -- in our communities, in our criminal justice system, in our society -- the legacy of slavery and segregation. But the fact that we have open debates within America’s own democracy is what allows us to get better. In 1959, the year that my father moved to America, it was illegal for him to marry my mother, who was white, in many American states. When I first started school, we were still struggling to desegregate schools across the American South. But people organized; they protested; they debated these issues; they challenged government officials. And because of those protests, and because of those debates, and because of popular mobilization, I’m able to stand here today as an African-American and as President of the United States. That was because of the freedoms that were afforded in the United States that we were able to bring about change.
I’m not saying this is easy. There’s still enormous problems in our society. But democracy is the way that we solve them. That's how we got health care for more of our people. That's how we made enormous gains in women’s rights and gay rights. That's how we address the inequality that concentrates so much wealth at the top of our society. Because workers can organize and ordinary people have a voice, American democracy has given our people the opportunity to pursue their dreams and enjoy a high standard of living. (Applause.)
Now, there are still some tough fights. It isn’t always pretty, the process of democracy. It's often frustrating. You can see that in the election going on back home. But just stop and consider this fact about the American campaign that's taking place right now. You had two Cuban Americans in the Republican Party, running against the legacy of a black man who is President, while arguing that they’re the best person to beat the Democratic nominee who will either be a woman or a Democratic Socialist. (Laughter and applause.) Who would have believed that back in 1959? That's a measure of our progress as a democracy. (Applause.)
So here’s my message to the Cuban government and the Cuban people: The ideals that are the starting point for every revolution -- America’s revolution, Cuba’s revolution, the liberation movements around the world -- those ideals find their truest expression, I believe, in democracy. Not because American democracy is perfect, but precisely because we’re not. And we -- like every country -- need the space that democracy gives us to change. It gives individuals the capacity to be catalysts to think in new ways, and to reimagine how our society should be, and to make them better.
There’s already an evolution taking place inside of Cuba, a generational change. Many suggested that I come here and ask the people of Cuba to tear something down -- but I’m appealing to the young people of Cuba who will lift something up, build something new. (Applause.) El future de Cuba tiene que estar en las manos del pueblo Cubano. (Applause.)
And to President Castro -- who I appreciate being here today -- I want you to know, I believe my visit here demonstrates you do not need to fear a threat from the United States. And given your commitment to Cuba’s sovereignty and self-determination, I am also confident that you need not fear the different voices of the Cuban people -- and their capacity to speak, and assemble, and vote for their leaders. In fact, I’m hopeful for the future because I trust that the Cuban people will make the right decisions.
And as you do, I’m also confident that Cuba can continue to play an important role in the hemisphere and around the globe -- and my hope is, is that you can do so as a partner with the United States.
We’ve played very different roles in the world. But no one should deny the service that thousands of Cuban doctors have delivered for the poor and suffering. (Applause.) Last year, American health care workers -- and the U.S. military -- worked side-by-side with Cubans to save lives and stamp out Ebola in West Africa. I believe that we should continue that kind of cooperation in other countries.
We’ve been on the different side of so many conflicts in the Americas. But today, Americans and Cubans are sitting together at the negotiating table, and we are helping the Colombian people resolve a civil war that’s dragged on for decades. (Applause.) That kind of cooperation is good for everybody. It gives everyone in this hemisphere hope.
We took different journeys to our support for the people of South Africa in ending apartheid. But President Castro and I could both be there in Johannesburg to pay tribute to the legacy of the great Nelson Mandela. (Applause.) And in examining his life and his words, I'm sure we both realize we have more work to do to promote equality in our own countries -- to reduce discrimination based on race in our own countries. And in Cuba, we want our engagement to help lift up the Cubans who are of African descent -- (applause) -- who’ve proven that there’s nothing they cannot achieve when given the chance.
We’ve been a part of different blocs of nations in the hemisphere, and we will continue to have profound differences about how to promote peace, security, opportunity, and human rights. But as we normalize our relations, I believe it can help foster a greater sense of unity in the Americas -- todos somos Americanos. (Applause.)
From the beginning of my time in office, I’ve urged the people of the Americas to leave behind the ideological battles of the past. We are in a new era. I know that many of the issues that I’ve talked about lack the drama of the past. And I know that part of Cuba’s identity is its pride in being a small island nation that could stand up for its rights, and shake the world. But I also know that Cuba will always stand out because of the talent, hard work, and pride of the Cuban people. That's your strength. (Applause.) Cuba doesn’t have to be defined by being against the United States, any more than the United States should be defined by being against Cuba. I'm hopeful for the future because of the reconciliation that’s taking place among the Cuban people.
I know that for some Cubans on the island, there may be a sense that those who left somehow supported the old order in Cuba. I'm sure there’s a narrative that lingers here which suggests that Cuban exiles ignored the problems of pre-Revolutionary Cuba, and rejected the struggle to build a new future. But I can tell you today that so many Cuban exiles carry a memory of painful -- and sometimes violent -- separation. They love Cuba. A part of them still considers this their true home. That’s why their passion is so strong. That's why their heartache is so great. And for the Cuban American community that I’ve come to know and respect, this is not just about politics. This is about family -- the memory of a home that was lost; the desire to rebuild a broken bond; the hope for a better future the hope for return and reconciliation.
For all of the politics, people are people, and Cubans are Cubans. And I’ve come here -- I’ve traveled this distance -- on a bridge that was built by Cubans on both sides of the Florida Straits. I first got to know the talent and passion of the Cuban people in America. And I know how they have suffered more than the pain of exile -- they also know what it’s like to be an outsider, and to struggle, and to work harder to make sure their children can reach higher in America.
So the reconciliation of the Cuban people -- the children and grandchildren of revolution, and the children and grandchildren of exile -- that is fundamental to Cuba’s future. (Applause.)
You see it in Gloria Gonzalez, who traveled here in 2013 for the first time after 61 years of separation, and was met by her sister, Llorca. “You recognized me, but I didn’t recognize you,” Gloria said after she embraced her sibling. Imagine that, after 61 years.
You see it in Melinda Lopez, who came to her family’s old home. And as she was walking the streets, an elderly woman recognized her as her mother’s daughter, and began to cry. She took her into her home and showed her a pile of photos that included Melinda’s baby picture, which her mother had sent 50 years ago. Melinda later said, “So many of us are now getting so much back.”
You see it in Cristian Miguel Soler, a young man who became the first of his family to travel here after 50 years. And meeting relatives for the first time, he said, “I realized that family is family no matter the distance between us.”
Sometimes the most important changes start in small places. The tides of history can leave people in conflict and exile and poverty. It takes time for those circumstances to change. But the recognition of a common humanity, the reconciliation of people bound by blood and a belief in one another -- that’s where progress begins. Understanding, and listening, and forgiveness. And if the Cuban people face the future together, it will be more likely that the young people of today will be able to live with dignity and achieve their dreams right here in Cuba.
The history of the United States and Cuba encompass revolution and conflict; struggle and sacrifice; retribution and, now, reconciliation. It is time, now, for us to leave the past behind. It is time for us to look forward to the future together -- un future de esperanza. And it won’t be easy, and there will be setbacks. It will take time. But my time here in Cuba renews my hope and my confidence in what the Cuban people will do. We can make this journey as friends, and as neighbors, and as family -- together. Si Senate puede. Muchas gracias. (Applause.)
Téléthon à
l'intention de l’animateur de radio Joe Damas
Joe Damas ou (Joe Dams)
Quand une
voix de la radio est absente des ondes, cela se ressent immédiatement, Quand
cette voix est celle de Joe Damas, Joe Dams pour les plus proches,
cela crée carrément un grand vide sur la bande fm en Haïti et dans la diaspora … Notre ami Joe Damas se fait
soigner depuis plusieurs jours d’un maudit cancer des poumons dans un hôpital
de Floride. Mais pour ceux qui le connaissent, Joe est un vrai battant, le
genre qui s’accroche à une bataille pour la gagner, d’ailleurs il avait
lui-même annoncé à ses auditeurs qu’il devait subir une intervention chirurgicale
et qu’il serait bientôt de retour.
La Direction de Radio Télé Métropole et la famille de notre Joe National
invitent le public à participer à un téléthon ce jeudi 17 et ce vendredi 18
mars de 10 heures à midi sur le 100.1 FM, pour une levée de fonds. La somme
recueillie servira à honorer les frais de traitement pour ce brillant homme de
micro vers qui nous envoyons toutes les énergies positives avec toutes nos
prières.
L'équipe d'Haïti Connexion Network souhaite un prompt rétablissement à notre ami Joe, Souke
kow Ti asson !!!
L'écrivain Paulette Poujol Oriol est décédée ce vendredi vers 13 h 30 en sa résidence à Port-au-Prince, des suites d'une crise cardiaque. Elle s'est éteinte douze jours après s'être fait soigner en République dominicaine. Née en 1926 à Port-au-Prince, elle aurait eu 85 ans en mai.
Paulette Poujol Oriol a laissé une importante oeuvre littéraire. Elle a signé de nombreuses mises en scène. Parmi ses oeuvres littéraires figurent : « Le Creuset » (son premier roman qui lui a valu, en 1980, le Prix Henri Deschamps ; « La Fleur rouge » pour lequel elle a reçu le Prix de la meilleure nouvelle, décerné par RFI-Le Monde. Paulette Poujol Oriol a publié de nombreux articles, la plupart étant consacrés à la littérature. Son oeuvre décrit la société haïtienne, ses tares, ses us et coutumes, ses préjugés ainsi que le malheur d'Haïti. Le créole et le français se marient, se mélangent dans certaines des oeuvres de l'écrivain, comme en témoigne « La fleur rouge ».
Metteur en scène, comédienne, Paulette Poujol Oriol a mis en scène plusieurs pièces de théâtre. Elle a fondé le Piccolo Teatro. Elle y a enseigné l'art dramatique notamment à des enfants, ce jusqu'aux derniers jours de sa vie. Elle a dirigé la section théâtre de l'École nationale des arts de 1983 à 1991.
Paulette Poujol Oriol a été une des grandes figures du mouvement féministe haïtien. Elle a milité pendant plus de cinquante ans au sein de plusieurs associations, dont la Ligue féminine d'action sociale qu'elle a dirigée depuis 1997.
Le cinéaste Arnold Antonin a consacré un documentaire à six femmes haïtiennes, qui s'intitule « Six femmes haïtiennes exceptionnelles ». Paulette Poujol Oriol est de ces femmes en compagnie de Viviane Gauthier, Micheline Laudun Denis, Odette Roy Fombrun, Madeleine Desrosiers et Emerante De Pradines. Dans ce film, le public a retrouvé une Paulette Poujol Oriol pleine de vitalité, souriante, une romancière et une femme de théâtre très talentueuse.
Des personnalités qui ont assisté au documentaire ont salué avec émotion le départ de Paulette Poujol Oriol. Marise Jean Louis ne veut pas croire à cette disparition. « Paulette fait partie de ceux qui ne meurent pas. Elle restera vivante dans le coeur des Haïtiens pour lesquels elle demeure un modèle », déclare l'ex animatrice d' « Objectif », une émission culturelle qui était diffusée chaque dimanche sur Télémax.
Lécrivain et éducatrice, Odette Roy Fombrun, garde ces souvenirs de son amie écrivain : « Paulette était une blagueuse et une personne joviale, active, vivante, exceptionnelle. C'est une grande perte de a littérature haïtienne.»
Cet écrivain laisse des traces indélébiles dans l'histoire des lettres haïtiennes et dans l'éducation. « La perte de Paulette est irremplaçable. La force de Paulette, le rôle qu'elle a joué dans l'éducation sont extraordinaires. Le film d'Arnold Antonin l'a restituée, dans toute sa dimension d'enseignante, d'intellectuelle », pense la galeriste et critique d'art Mireille Pérodin Jérôme.
La mort de Paulette Poujol Oriol a été brusque, inattendue pour la grande pianiste classique Micheline Laudun Denis : « je ne m'attendais à ça, c'est une très mauvaise surprise. »
Figure marquante des lettres haïtiennes, Paulette Poujol Oriol a laissé des oeuvres inachevées. Selon le cinéaste Arnold Antonin, « elle avait quatorze oeuvres en chantier ». « Des oeuvres de théâtre, des romans, des nouvelles dont je ne me rappelle les titres, car maman avait un tas de projet. A son âge, elle continuait d'écrire », a révélé son fils, le Dr Georges Michel. Elle travaillait en effet sur le projet d'une vaste anthologie sur les femmes haïtiennes. Cet ouvrage devait être réalisé en collaboration avec l'écrivain Kettly Mars.
Romancière, metteur en scène, comédienne, Paulette Poujol Oriol est considérée comme l'une des figures majeures des lettres haïtiennes. C'est une perte pour le monde littéraire.
Le Devoir affirmait mercredi qu’Ottawa
étudiait l’idée de prendre le relais du Brésil à la tête de la Mission des
Nations unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti (MINUSTAH). Il y aurait, à notre
avis, mieux à faire pour contribuer au développement d’Haïti que d’y envoyer en
masse nos Casques bleus.
Ottawa n’a pas encore tranché, mais déciderait-il d’investir l’île de ses
Casques bleus que nous jugerions l’initiative mal avisée. Le fait est que la
MINUSTAH, créée dans la foulée du renversement de Jean-Bertrand Aristide en
février 2004, est devenue avec le temps une force d’occupation ou, du
moins, perçue comme telle par beaucoup d’Haïtiens. Ce qu’il serait
extraordinaire d’entendre Justin Trudeau dire aujourd’hui, c’est que le Canada
a commis une erreur grave en appuyant l’éviction d’Aristide par les États-Unis.
On peut toujours rêver. Le renversement du gouvernement d’Aristide n’a pas
rendu service au peuple haïtien ; il a servi les intérêts de l’oligarchie
locale, des anciens militaires et des néoduvaliéristes.
Que des enjeux de sécurité se posent encore, c’est l’évidence. Que la
classe politique haïtienne cafouille épouvantablement — au point qu’a été
reporté deux fois le second tour de l’élection présidentielle sans qu’on sache
très bien quand il pourra finalement se tenir — et que l’État haïtien soit
complètement dysfonctionnel, on en convient. Mais il ne faudrait pas que ces
réalités nationales fassent oublier les responsabilités des pays étrangers
(États-Unis, Canada, France) dans cet état de déliquescence politique, sociale
et économique.
Il n’est pas exagéré de dire qu’Haïti est aujourd’hui dans une situation
pire, plus corrompue et plus antidémocratique, qu’elle ne l’était quand
Aristide a été chassé du pouvoir. Vrai que s’est produit l’effrayant séisme de
janvier 2010, qui a fait plus de 200 000 morts. Comment néanmoins
expliquer que, malgré les gigantesques ressources dont disposent tous ses
« amis » internationaux qui disent voler à son secours et vouloir
accompagner son développement, la société haïtienne ait si peu réussi à sortir
la tête de l’eau ? Comment expliquer que, selon des informations récemment
publiées par le Programme alimentaire mondial (PAM), Haïti traverse
actuellement sa plus grave crise d’insécurité alimentaire depuis 2001 ?
Une partie de l’explication tient en ceci : sous le couvert de l’aide
— d’une aide diachylon, au final — s’est installée une tutelle internationale
qui empêche le peuple haïtien d’influencer son développement et de faire ses
propres choix. Les manipulations qui ont donné lieu à l’élection de Michel
Martelly à la présidence en 2011 et le cul-de-sac électoral dans lequel se
trouve maintenant le pays en sont des preuves politiques.
Mais c’est aussi une tutelle qui s’inscrit dans le prolongement de
l’assujettissement où se trouve Haïti depuis son indépendance, arrachée aux
Français il y a 210 ans. Jamais ne lui a été donné le droit de respirer
librement sur le plan économique.
Premier ministre Justin Trudeau
Le gouvernement de Justin Trudeau, premier ministre soi-disant
progressiste, pourrait faire oeuvre utile en contribuant, par exemple, à
humaniser le marché du travail haïtien. Lire à y défendre les droits syndicaux.
Prenez le cas de Gildan, multinationale du textile fondée à Montréal.
L’entreprise sous-traite depuis 2009 sa production de t-shirts aux Apaid, une
famille duvaliériste de Port-au-Prince qui a soutenu Baby Doc en son temps, qui
s’est opposée à Aristide et dont le lobby contre toute hausse du salaire
minimum est obstiné. Si bien que les travailleuses du textile en Haïti, payées
5,61 $ par jour, sont les plus mal rémunérées au monde, après celles du
Bangladesh et du Cambodge.
On est à des années-lumière de faire du travail un bien commun et un outil
de développement démocratique, se tue à répéter le philosophe Alain Deneault.
C’est vrai partout dans le monde. Ça l’est particulièrement dans un pays comme
Haïti.
Despite its many conflicting characteristics we seem to have come to one silent agreement: Haiti is a woman.
The Haitian woman is a middle post
Ayiti cheri, Ayiti manman’m, Ayiti Manman libète, Haïti perle des antilles. Haiti lover, Haiti our mother, Haiti mother of freedom, Haiti pearl. Despite its many conflicting characteristics we seem to have come to one silent agreement: Haiti is a woman. She caresses, she nurtures, she radiates the beauty of a precious stone, we even refer to her with the female pronoun. I like to think of this as a testament to Haitian women, who exemplify every day all of these characteristic we now attribute to our country.
Though they may be unsung, the daughters that this motherland produced reflect her strength. The stories are endless. In the early pre-slavery history of Haiti was Anacaona, queen of Xaragua which is modern day Leogane, who chose death over abandoning her people and joining the enemy. Cecile Fatiman, was a Vodou priestess who led the ceremony of Bwa Kayiman alongside Boukman that marked the beginning of the Haitian revolution that led to Haiti being the first Black republic. Marie Claire Heureuse, empress of Haiti and wife of Jean Jacques Dessalines, led many women to aid by cooking for soldiers, and caring for the injured during the Haitian revolution. Various grassroots feminist movements fought for women’s rights throughout the 1900’s, leading efforts to overturn unjust laws that established women as minors, gaining women the right to vote and hold political office. Ertha Pascal Trouillot was Haiti’s first female president, she held the post of provisional president for 11 months in 1990. And today, there are many feminist organizations in Haiti that continue to work for a better Haiti: Kay Fanm, KONAFAP,KOFAVIV, Femmes en Démocratie, and many more.
One of the beauties of Haiti
On a more personal level, there are the women who raised us. My maternal great grandmother was a Madan Sara, women who travel to connect goods in the countryside to the people of the city. She worked enough to start a successful business, but never legally owned anything she acquired because Haitian law of the time considered her as a minor. Everything she worked for legally belonged to her husband. My own mother is a fierce, creative leader. I recall a particular story she always told us about when she was around my age. During the efforts to oust the Duvalier regime, my mother used to distribute pamphlets with anti-Duvalier messages on them to raise awareness. She told me about walking by groups of tonton makout on her way to work with these slips of paper hidden in her undergarments. All of us have grandmothers and mothers who worked tirelessly to feed and raise our families. Many of them traveled to countries like the USA and Canada where they didn’t know the language, to societies that neither cared about them or valued them; all so we could have better lives. When you say “Haitian woman”, you are invoking the scent of lwil maskriti, calloused hands and feet from toiling, and profound wisdom delivered through an endless repertoire of proverbs. This is the blood that runs through our veins.
Haitian women are like trucks,they walk for
kilometers on foot every day with heavy
weights over their heads ...
I say all this to not only honor these women, but to also admit the intense pressure all of this makes me feel as a young Haitian woman of the diaspora in the 21st century. Of course, womanhood is not limited to these things, but I do tend to question myself. What does it mean for me to be a daughter of Anacaona, or a daughter of the first Black republic? How do I show that in my life? I have not aided in wars, I have not raised a family, I have not picked up and left everything I know in search of a better future for the people I love. My attempts at activism typically come in the form of retweeting hashtags, and writing lengthy emotional Facebook statuses in reaction to injustice. Life is actually relatively calm here in my neighborhood in Suburban Philadelphia. There is no need for me to smuggle dangerous pamphlets across town in my underwear in an attempt to overthrow the government; I actually quite like Obama. I ask myself, am I a failure as a Haitian woman? Do I deserve to identify with the group of people that have been nicknamed the Poto Mitan, the cornerstone of Haitian society?
The Haitian woman is the engine of development of Haiti
Perhaps, the true definition of a Haitian woman is the continuous hard work, the selfless sacrifice with little acknowledgement or gratitude in return, as seen in the limited recorded history of Haitian women’s contributions throughout time. Or maybe, the reason all these women throughout history and the women of my family did all of this was so that today I could enjoy the luxury of not having these burdens. The reality is, both of these statements are true. The pressure I feel is warranted. My mother always says that people should shake my hand wherever I go because I am a daughter of the land that birthed freedom. Because of this, I should feel pressured to take a stronger stance against injustice, and to be a stronger advocate for the plight of Haitian women and women around the world today. But at the same time, I can be grateful for the women that came before me to give me the life I have today.
Thank you to the revolutionary Haitian women whose names are missing from history books, to my perseverant grandmothers who I never met, my courageous mother andTaties. I honor you on this day. And I pray that after this quarter life crisis, I ultimately live a life worthy of being called a daughter of Haiti; a daughter of the Mother of Freedom.
NATHALIE CERIN IS A SINGER-SONGWRITER, MUSIC TEACHER, BLOGGER AND GRADUATE STUDENT IN MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION. SHE LIKES TO THINK OF HERSELF AS THE CLASS CLOWN ALL GROWN UP. NATHALIE HAS A DEEP PASSION FOR HAITI AND THE ARTS, ESPECIALLY WHEREVER THESE TWO TOPICS CONVERGE. SHE IS THE EDITOR FOR WOY MAGAZINE.
